The Honest Way to Teach Comparative Religion

An Open Letter from Billy Rojas to the Harvard Divinity Bulletin
http://www.hds.harvard.edu/news/bulletin_mag/

Editor:

A letter by Leo Shatin which appears in the Winter/Spring 2011 issue of HDB deserves serious comment. It is all well and good to teach about religion, following the template of Comparative Religion or similar programs, and do so starting at the public school level. As a retired teacher of history and Comparative Religion myself I can hardly argue with that premise.

This is crucial in a pluralistic democracy which is home to hundreds of millions of people who identify with a multitude of faith traditions. And it is crucial for anyone who intends to have dealings with people who live in other nations –India, China, Ethiopia, Iran, Japan, Brazil, Russia & etc– which do not share many of the assumptions and values that are foundational to American culture. It is a really good idea to promote the kind of education which allows US citizens to get along with each other and to understand the outlooks of the peoples of the Earth.

Cyrus the Great understood exactly this principle in the 6th century BC, which is what his famous Cylinder advocating religious tolerance throughout the polyglot Persian Empire was all about. And we can find similar sentiments expressed in such diverse sources as Malachi 1: 11 in the Bible, the Lotus Sutra, and Ludlul Bel Nimeqi, “I will praise the Lord of Wisdom,” of ancient Mesopotamia.

All of this said, however, Shatin made a vital point. If we are to teach religion truthfully shouldn’t we , as he put it, “incorporate historical instances and examples of misuses of religion” ? The reasons should be so obvious that further elaboration is not necessary. But there is an implication within this excellent suggestion that must be spelled out so that its importance is not lost.
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Democratic Deliberation Among Geeks

For future reference, here’s some articles about how deliberative polling may resemble open source and Web 2.0 development practices.

There’s lots of ways to do this badly, but even a single way to apply the lessons wisely could revolutionize our understanding of governance.

Billy Rojas: 10 Principles of Radical Centrism

A great summary of general principles we seek to follow. — Ernie P.

Prepared by :  B Rojas  /   Nov 8 , 2010  /  Revised  Nov 10,  2010

10 Principles of Radical Centrism

( 1 ) RC is anti-partisan, it is more than “non-partisan”
This principle should not be taken too far. About specific issues partisanship
may well be in order. And there is respect for partisanship when it is appropriate,
such as among leaders of a political party, or at various “inspire the troops” events.
But party-line thinking is abhorrent to RC. It is axiomatic that each major party
will be wrong about 40 % of the time, with the 20 % difference ( between the two
parties ) in the category of uncertainty ,  or right-and-wrong .Obviously this general
idea  also applies to “other” parties or political philosophies.

( 2 ) RC seeks to learn whatever is useful or good
from all political movements or causes.
The exceptions, in principle, are totalitarian ideologies  Yes, even here, it is
worthwhile to study the hard Left or the far Right, but the point is that
extreme caution is necessary and ANY ideas which might be borrowed
from either persuasion need to pass serious tests to screen out even
a hint of authoritarian values. Otherwise we are open to new and useful

ideas  from just about anywhere on the political spectrum, Greens, Libertarians,
Social Democracy, the Constitution Party, and you-name-it, even if, by
the nature or American politics, most, by far, of what we are all about
is within a range of views from Democrats on the Left to
Republicans on the Right.

( 3 )  RC seeks creative “out of the box” solutions to problems .
This says that partisanship  –any party–  blocks some solutions
because there are pre-established priorities set by a political ideology.
Therefore, forget partisanship and seek a new solution from scratch
if, that is, objectively the new solution is really worthwhile.

( 4 ) RC seeks to solve problems by seeking to find a synthesis
between extremes that incorporates the best from Left and Right.
The qualification is that this is just one option, it is not  the only option to seeking
to solve problems. This makes RC partly Hegelian, which, as I see it,
is all for the Good.  It is important to note, however, that RC is NOT

a fusion of Social Liberalism and Fiscal Conservatism, a combination
that has sometimes inaccurately been designated as Radical Centrism.
Actual RC is issue-by-issue in character such that Radical Centrists
may well be 60 / 40 conservative on social issue and 60 / 40 liberal
on fiscal issues, or still other configurations, 70 / 30, 50/ 50 and so forth.

( 5 ) RC is based on ”  cafeteria politics.”
RC offers a platform for Independent voters to put together, as seems
smart and good to each Indy, a combination of  positions on issues taken from
both Left and Right  –and sometimes Other– in new ways. This obviously
is also only one alternative within RC.  But the point is that a significant number
of issues are pretty much set in concrete,  and not much can be added by way of
discussion to what they are. The problem of diminishing returns applies
to political ideas too. How much additional research or deep thinking
can possibly “refine” the abortion debate further ?  Same for teaching
evolution in the schools. To use these examples as metaphor for all other
such issues, one is a typical Right view, the other a typical Left view.
A Radical Centrist may say that both are Good, combining clearly
solid Left and solid Right positions.And this may be the case for
100 other issues. But if it really is RC there will be an approximate
balance, over all, although the exact mix may vary, year to year.

( 6 ) RC insists that all positions one takes should be researched.
The ideal is the informed voter. RC places a premium on education
as a general rule which applies specifically to politics. “Research”
assumes serious thinking, testing ideas, and all the rest.

( 7 )  RC prefers market solutions to problems.
However, this principle does not say “only” market based solutions.
It is easy to think of a good number of areas where government has offered
the best alternatives, from the Interstate highway system created under
Dwight D Eisenhower to development of the ARPENET and then the Internet,
to today’s work at NASA in developing a host of new technologies with considerable
potential for the entire US economy. But we prefer market solutions as much as
possible, including solutions which arise from competition in the “marketplace of ideas.”

( 8 ) RC requires that all issues anyone champions should be moral.
Exactly what this morality should consist of is open to discussion and debate
but it is safe to say that one version of this morality compares to the morality
of Evangelical Christians. However, this also says that compatible moralities
for example of many or most Buddhists, is also Radical Centrist in character.

( 9 ) RC finds its highest political ideals in the US Constitution
before all other sources
This hardly says that there aren’t other sources, everything from the Code of Hammurabi
to British common law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but the
US Constitution has a special place in RC thought and no ideas advocated
by Radical Centrists which can be deemed “unconstitutional” are acceptable.
When Radical Centrists arrive at new ideas which the Constitution does not address,
or when functional problems with the Constitution or its amendments are identified,
it is always acceptable to suggest new amendments.

( 10 )  RC is dedicated to responsible free speech
This means exactly what it says. Not all speech is responsible and free speech rights
can be abused. But otherwise Radical Centrists take the view that the First Amendment
is inviolable and essential to any kind of valid politics  –and much else. People should
be free to express their honest thoughts. Censorship, either de jure or de facto,
is abhorrent on principle. But in exercise of free speech it is our responsibility
to be constructive, fair, and honest. This may mean controversy, it may mean
criticisms of  vested interests and of public persons, but when we feel we should,
in conscience, speak out, that is our prerogative.   For this reason we feel an

affinity with many libertarians, who share this outlook,  even though, because
we regard morality as social necessity and libertarians seem to have
no obvious morality,  we are not libertarians ourselves even if some of us
are influenced by libertarianism. But others may be more influenced
by Teddy Roosevelt or a variety of personal heroes,

How to Fix California

I’ve collected my thoughts about how to apply Silicon Valley-style “disruptive innovation” to the problems of California’s governance.  Let me know what you think.


How To Fix California: From Myths to Reality


Making the FairTax More Fair

On Oct 13, 2010, at 6:29 PM, David R. Block wrote:

12) Repeal the Income Tax amendment and implement the Fair Tax as put forth by John Linder and Neal Boortz.>> I’m not going to copy from The Fair Tax Book, or the book Fair Tax: The Truth in copious amounts. They wrote the books, and I don’t have any problems with it that I have been able to find.

I’m a big fan of Fair Tax:http://www.fairtax.org/site/PageServer

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FairTax

But I still have a couple concerns about it, which Billy hints at:

> Regressive taxes, how wonderful. Tax the poor to lighten the burden on the rich.
> Why didn’t I think of that ?

Actually, that’s not quite true. It would actually *reduce* the tax on the poor, especially as it would reduce hidden taxation costs in prices. It would also help the working poor by eliminating Social Security payroll taxes.

The problem is that it increase taxes on the lower middle class, who spend most of their income but currently pay virtually no income tax. The rich who invest/save large chunks of their income would generally pay less than they do now. For example, FairTax Calculator says my family would pay only $30K in taxes, versus close to 100K now:

http://www.fairtaxcalculator.org/index.php

That money has to come from somewhere. This redistribution would almost certainly lead to economic growth and job creation, but it would still be regressive (except for the very poor).

http://www.factcheck.org/taxes/unspinning_the_fairtax.html

I do think there is a way to fix the FairTax, though:

1. Make a national Sales Tax replace the Payroll Tax

The payroll tax is what hits lower income Americans and complicates hiring. If we replaced all payroll taxes with a FairTax-like national sales tax of, say 10%, it should achieve most of the economic benefit without becoming overly regressive. At a guess, it should at least reduce taxes for those making less than $75K per year, which seems sufficiently progressive, and gets us into the range of those who pay more on income taxes than payroll taxes.

This still leaves the problem of how to account for Social Security when we only capture spending rather than income, but for now let’s assume that’s a solvable problem.

2. Create a financial tax to replace the income tax.

Most income tax only affects the rich already. If we are going to tax the rich — which we have to do, since they have most of the money — we should do it in a way that encourages appropriate behavior.

What do we want the rich to do? Generate value to the economy, by either working or investing. Including taking risks that the poor and middle class do not. This implies we should penalize the rich for being selfish or safe.

The FairTax would tax all spending from the rich, which is a good first step. Still, a 10% FairTax wouldn’t bring in enough revenue. The remainder would have to come from taxing either a) wealth or b) financial transactions.

2a) Wealth Tax

If we don’t want to penalize investments, a “wealth tax” means taxing either property or savings (defined as FDIC insured).

We could model this on FairTax, in that we set a baseline exemption based on the federal poverty level:

http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/09poverty.shtml

To convert income to wealth, use the treasury rate. For example, if the poverty level is $10,000, and the treasury rate is 5%, then the “wealth exemption” is $10K/.05 = $200,000. To obtain a “fair” tax rate, I propose again indexing to 10% of the treasury rate, e.g. 0.5% for a treasury rate of 5%.

For example:

  • a $1 million home would have $800K taxable, which at 0.5% comes out to $4,000 per year.
  • an individual with the maximum $250K in FDIC-insured deposits across two banks ($500K) would have $300K taxable. They would pay $1,500 a year on a national wealth tax, which effectively reduces their interest from ~1.25% ($6,250 per year) to 0.95% ($4,750).

Annoying, but hardly devastating, and a good stick for prodding the rich to take riskier or longer-term investments to earn better yields.

I have no idea whether a national property tax would be legal, but making it legal would be a fair exchange for repealing the 16th amendment. 🙂

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sixteenth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constit…

2b) Financial Instrument Tax

I was intrigued by Billy’s proposal a few years ago for a tax on financial transactions.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Financial_transaction_tax

The simplest and most effective (and FairTax-like) would probably be some kind of Transfer Tax, paid by the seller (to encourage holding investments longer):

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transfer_tax

Apparently we had one as late as 1966 for stocks:

The United States had a tax on sales or transfers of stock from 1914 to 1966. This was instituted in The Revenue Act of 1914 (Act of Oct. 22, 1914 (ch. 331, 38 Stat. 745)), in the amount of 0.2% (20basis points, bps). This was doubled to 0.4% (40 bps) in 1932, in the context of the Great Depression, then eliminated in 1966.

It’s been reconsidered recently, but never went anywhere:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB125512957855977163.html

Unfortunately, at the tax rate we are proposing (0.5%), it would (inferring from that article) only raise around $500B, vs. the $1250B from corporate and individual income taxes we need to replace.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2010_United_States_federal_budget

We could increase that by covering more than just stocks, but I suspect there isn’t much other wealth out there to tax.

I am also worried about pushing that rate higher, as capital is even more flighty than people. Taxing transactions at too high a rate risks killing the financial industry; we only want to maim it, so it can’t run as fast. 🙂

Perhaps if we had a low (0.5%) rate for direct asset transactions (e.g., stocks) but doubled it for indirect (e.g., derivatives) it would do better, and also dampen speculation. Of course, it could have the perverse effect of making derivatives seek *higher* returns to compensate, though even 1% on a 13% Junk Bond doesn’t seem like it would dramatically alter behavior.

And it still may not be enough, but it should at least get us into the ballpark. Maybe the magical stimulative effects of eliminating payroll and income taxes would do the rest. Plus, simply adding friction to high-end financial instruments seems like a good thing.

Again, the Right hates it, but if tied to an elimination of the income tax, that might turn them around. And maybe capital flight is not a horrible thing, as long as it didn’t completely kill the revenue stream. Frankly, I’d rather have rich people living and working here and storing their money abroad than vice versa.

An interesting feature of tying wealth taxes to treasury rates is that they would be counter-cyclical — low when the economy is week, but high when it is strong. That’s good from the perspective of stimulating/dampening the economy, but hard on financial management, as government revenue dries up when you need it most, aggravating deficit spending. The only solution I could think of offhand is — in a world with a hypothetical balanced budget — ensuring some portion of this revenue is dedicated to a rainy-day fund. e.g., anytime treasury rates exceed 10%, the surplus revenue automatically goes into a counter-cycle fund that can’t be tapped. But rainy days funds are notorious for being leaky.

Still, this seems like a viable model that addresses the concerns of a pure FairTax and a mere financial transaction tax, at least at first blush.

What do the rest of you think?


Constraining iCalifornia

I don’t know exactly what a redesigned iCalifornia will look like, but I do know some of the attributes such a design must have: Read the rest of this entry »


Rethinking iCalifornia

I just got back from the reThinkCali.com. While I admire their humility and energy in wanting to engage Californians in solving our governance problems, I fear they are going about it the wrong way.
Read the rest of this entry »


Thomas L Friedman – Third Party Rising – NYTimes.com

I’m not optimistic about the chances of anything dramatic happening by 2012, but I agree with his analysis of the challenges faced by the existing parties.

Obama probably did the best he could do, and that’s the point. The best our current two parties can produce today — in the wake of the worst existential crisis in our economy and environment in a century — is suboptimal, even when one party had a huge majority. Suboptimal is O.K. for ordinary times, but these are not ordinary times. We need to stop waiting for Superman and start building a superconsensus to do the superhard stuff we must do now. Pretty good is not even close to good enough today.

We need a third party on the stage of the next presidential debate to look Americans in the eye and say: “These two parties are lying to you. They can’t tell you the truth because they are each trapped in decades of special interests. I am not going to tell you what you want to hear. I am going to tell you what you need to hear if we want to be the world’s leaders, not the new Romans.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/03/opinion/03friedman.html?_r=1&ref=thomaslfriedman&pagewanted=print
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Matt Miller – A case for ‘radical centrism’ (Washington Post)

Matt Miller nails the issue right on the head. A brilliant analysis.

… our entire system conspires to ban the expression of a practical synthesis of the best of “liberal,” “conservative” and more eclectic views.

… the deeper vacuum comes not from liberal or conservative ideology per se, but from the interest groups and campaign funders that help each side seek power.

The crisis in the way we think about our collective challenges, in other words, is inseparable from the economic stake many groups have in policies that are obstacles to addressing them.

The challenge is to build a new creed and a new coalition that can move us past the inability of left and right to tackle our real problems.


Toward a Radical Christian Center

Kudos to Steve Monsma for taking on the sacred cows of right-wing Christendom to plead for a new radical center:

This leads me to plead for a radical Christian center.  Centrism may appear to be wishy-washy and undecided or so apathetic that one refuses to take sides.  But a radical Christian center is far from being either.  It is radical in that it goes to the root of today’s political issues, asking basic questions of purpose, value, and worth.  It puts the common good ahead of partisan advantage and narrow special interests.  If you don’t think that is radical, you haven’t been paying much attention to this fall’s partisan election campaigns


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